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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over nearly half of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a significant triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is admired by his followers for his ruthlessness and his vow to dismantle the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that spans the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, implicated in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including dozens of minors.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become leader of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, demanding unpaid salaries for his soldiers, advancements, and a government role for his brother. Bashir acceded to most of his demands.

Later, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his family company Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as commander of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba region, and took on a role to guard the border with Libya.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at extortion and people-trafficking.

In 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, beginning a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Recruits flocked to RSF enlistment offices for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in the gold trade.

His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Turning on Allies

With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which killed hundreds, raped women, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee started looking into army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The attempted putsch failed, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, deployed against army positions and crucial in the assault on al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas in western Sudan.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses committed by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's forces continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.